Irish Troubles Political Cartoons: An Analysis

Irish Troubles Political Cartoons: An Analysis The political cartoons about the Irish troubles drawn by a number of prominent cartoonists in the early 1970s differed sharply from the cartoons produced by artists during the peace process in the 1990s. Arguably this could be down to a number of factors. Firstly, cartoonists in the 1970s were much more likely to attack specific groups of people – the Irish themselves have been targets of British supremacist derision for several hundred years, and have been depicted in a derogatory light in cartoons since cartoons were first printed. Second, the situation was considerably more grave in the 1970s than it was in the 1990s – although the IRA were still established and effective in the 1990s, the 1970s saw the most bloodshed, and therefore, it must have been very difficult to perceive what was a complex and (to some) ridiculous situation in Ireland without knocking the Irish for propagating and sustaining this idea of religious sectarianism. The complex political situation in Ireland that had arisen as a result of four hundred years of religious complexity between the dominant British Protestant landowners, who held the political reins, and the oppressed Irish Catholics, ultimately had a great impact on the British interpretation of the Irish throughout the generations, and also upon the representation of the English in Irish journalistic literature and art. Thus, a particular view of the Irish came to be represented in the British media, which tended to emerge whenever there were specific troubles within Ireland or else among the Irish in Britain. These stereotypes, especially of the Irish, can be said to be at their most potent during the time of the political troubles in Ireland. The resultant swathe of political cartoons that were printed on a regular basis in the daily newspapers in both Ireland and Britain, particularly during the political unrest and violence of the early 1970s, tended to push the Irish into a subcategory of their own, denied of their identity as autonomous individuals, subjected and represented by a more dominant political force, namely, the English. The history of the cartoon in respect of this tradition of Irish caricaturing is interesting, as it reveals a rich history of treating the Irishman as a figure of derision and ridicule – however, it is more interesting to note that this figure changed throughout the years and, especially with the increase of militancy among the grass-roots of Irish working class communities, saw the emergence of the cartoon depiction of the Irishman as a simian, bestial, uncivilised caricature, often wielding knifes and other implements, and driven by a fervid passion to kill, much like zombies from a horror film. The history of political cartoons goes back to the eighteenth century. However, technological developments in photography changed the nature of cartoons at the turn of the century, in many ways shaping the type of cartoon we see in newspapers nowadays: Fitzgerald, in Art and Politics (1973) argues that: â€Å"[The photograph] simply replicated the surface structure of life; it did not normally give it a depth of interpretation or meaning.† Thus, the photograph didnt entirely remove the need for the political cartoon, and in a sense, established the medium of the cartoon as a more biting representation of political and social malaises: â€Å"The political cartoon on the other hand sought to disrupt daily life, to make jokes and stage whispers and asides at the process if everyday life. [] The political cartoon was by its nature more subversive [than the photograph].† So, the nature of the political cartoon is to satirize and to comment upon, using visual imagery and caricature, the complexities of the cartoonists imagination / ideological persuasions. The effect of satirising political situations, and the placing of topical events into the medium of the cartoon, at least according to the cartoonists themselves, is largely arbitrary in its effect on the population: â€Å"Measuring the extent of the cartoonists influence on public opinion is a much more difficult, if not impossible task. [] Many cartoonists are [] dubious about its power.† Conversely, however, governments have always stepped in to control the production and the distribution of subversive cartoons. This suggests that they do possess a certain amount of impact when discussing or lampooning political leaders and people of significance: â€Å"French caricaturists of the 1830s who dared mock King Louis Philippe were fined and imprisoned; New York cartoonists criticisms of municipal corruption prompted government officials to attempt to pass an anti-cartoon law in 1897; and even in the modern era, when political cartoonists are prizes rather than prison sentences, satirists in totalitarian states have suffered harsh censure.† Indeed, some of the more subversive work of cartoonists have frequently stirred up controversy, especially concerning the representation of the Irish in British cartoons. In â€Å"The Irish†, by cartoonist for the Evening Standard, JAK, the representation of the Irish caused controversy that, with Ken Livingstones recent â€Å"Nazi† comments about the Evening Standard, continues to plague the political scene today: â€Å"none can excuse the fact that [The Irish] represents one of the most appalling examples of anti-Irish cartoon racism since the Victorian era. [] As a result of complaints made by many people in Britain, the Greater London Council, under its leader Ken Livingstone, withdrew its advertising from the Standard and demanded a full apology, which was refused.† The cartoon itself equates the Irish with death and barbarism, with the words: â€Å"The Ultimate in Psychopathic Horror: The Irish†. Although angered by the IRA bombings and the killing of innocents, this inability to describe the political complexities of the Irish, reducing them instead to a monstrous racial stereotype, not altogether unique in the cartoons of the time, tends to simplify, and thus promote Irish resentment during the period. However, in the second period I will be discussing in this piece, namely the late 1990s, the cartoons drawn by people like Martyn Turner during the peace process of the John Major and Tony Blair governments differ wildly from this tendency to demonise and / or denigrate the entire nation of Ireland – instead the cartoonists eye is drawn to subversive representations of the bureaucracy and the players within that complex and impenetrable political chess game that the Irish peace process became in the eyes of the public. The cartoons drawn, generally, seem less provoked by Irish or British resentment, and more represent a more benign form of political satire, that being the politics of government rather than the (sometimes militaristic) persuasions of the Irish population. The crude and hurtful Irish stereotype as barbaric, brutish and stupid are discarded – instead, the governmental players are the main focus for the satirists eye. There was a period in the early 1970s when an impending civil war in Ireland seemed inevitable, with clashes between British paramilitary and Loyalist groups in a state of near-war. â€Å"A number of paramilitary organisations were formed in Protestant working-class areas to counter-balance the activities of the Provisionals and carry out attacks on Catholic areas. As the IRA increased its campaign of shootings and bombings, 1972 became the most violent year of the Troubles with 467 deaths in Northern Ireland, 321 of which were civilian casualties.† The work of the cartoonists of the period assumed a similarly grave and polemical nature, as often the caricaturists and the cartoonists of the period would be divided between Catholic / Protestant, as well as down British / Irish lines. The problems with British intervention as â€Å"peacekeepers† culminated in the â€Å"Bloody Sunday† massacre of 30 January 1972, where British troops opened fire on unarmed catholic protesters: â€Å"It was in January 1972 that the British Army shot and killed thirteen civilians in Derry, writing another disaster into Anglo-Irish history. Bloody Sunday, as it was called, was commemorated twenty years later in 1992 with bitterness and anger.† The representation of the British paramilitary presence in Ireland divided cartoonists, and the culmination of the supposed folly of British intervention in Northern Ireland reached boiling point with Bloody Sunday. Thus, politics and ideology in 1970s reached such a stage that generalisation and ignorance about the Irish situation abounded, signalling a return to the grotesque caricaturing seen in Punch in Victorian times. The political complexities, difficult as they were to sum up in a simple argument, were thus heavily simplified by a number of British cartoonists, and this gross simplification often led to the demonisation of the Irish as a whole. This is demonstrated by both the cartoons of Cummings and in the highly controversial cartoon, â€Å"The Irish†, printed in the Evening Standard, in which all Irish citizens are tarred with the same brush. Again this differs greatly from the work of Martyn Turner, who I will focus on in greater depth; his cartoons are steeped in the complexities of the Irish situation, the bureaucratic and political turmoil of the Irish peace process in the 1990s, and its eventual resolution in a ceasefire. Thus, the body of Martyn Turners work in a sense tells us how the political cartoon, especially the market for this particular brand of political cartoon has changed from representing the opinion of the ignorant masses, to enlightening and stimulating an informed few. Martyn Turner strays away from the traditions of social stereotyping, choosing instead to focus on the political bureaucracy and its many players. His cartoons are effective on a number of distinct levels, and his work is predominantly concerned with satirizing political institutions and their players, rather than making sweeping and hurtful gestures about a whole group of people. Especially from the overtly racist work of the 1970s, we see a resurgence of the Irishman as a simian stereotype, who is either drawn to carnage and violence, or else is too stupid to conduct his own affairs with any degree of control. In Cummings work of the early 1970s, we see the Irish represented as racial stereotypes. In this dissertation, I will look firstly at the development of this stereotype, how it developed from an idealised representation of Ireland in the 18th century, to the myth of stupid, impulsive, apelike creatures in publications such as Punch in the mid-nineteenth century. From this I will then turn to representations of the Irish (and of the British involvement in Ireland) in the 1970s, looking especially at pieces of work that explicitly and blatantly attack Irish culture, using a stereotype that is both broadly racist, the only effect of which is to emphasise the lack of understanding and the bigotry in which a great swathe of British citizenry lived. History of Stereotypes in Cartoons James Gillray (1757-1815) is widely reputed as being the first great British cartoonist. In his work, the notion of the Irish as simian tends to prevail, and they, along with the French, are seen as barbaric, stupid, tokens of â€Å"otherness† that one tends to associate with any representation of a minority and / or, a barbaric outsider. In â€Å"United Irishmen upon Duty†, printed on 12 June 1798, Gillray attacks the dissident Irishmen: â€Å"It depicts the rebel United Irishmen as mere agents of destruction and pillage, without political or moral principles. [] The cartoon is one of several in which Gillray simianises the belligerent Irish.† Thus, the reduction of the Irish to bestial stereotypes has a long history, that frequently makes a return whenever there is a reason for projecting hatred or condescension onto the Irish nation. In â€Å"Paddy on Horseback†, Gillray encapsulates the view of the Irish as stupid. In the picture, the Irishman has unkempt hair and a protruding jaw, however, he still possesses human, rather than simian features: OConnor suggests that: â€Å"The early cartoons from the 18th century are openly racist, portraying the Irish as ignorant peasants barefoot, ragged and thick.† Indeed, the image of the Irishman as a figure to poke fun at, and to label as the typical â€Å"fool† of caricature continues in a rich vein in British cartoons dating from this period. Slightly later, George Cruikshank uses the Irish to poke fun at. In â€Å"The Two Irish Labourers†, which features two Irishmen climbing a ladder and getting mixed up, â€Å"George Cruikshank [] illustrates the antiquity of the English view of the Irish as objects of laughter and derision.† This cartoon isnt political in its persuasion, but merely points out that, traditionally, and as the millions of jokes and put-downs featuring Irishmen in the punchline, the Irish could be used effectively to represent a typical stupid or ignorant person, who gets things mixed up or wrong. Thus, the re-emergence of these traditional Irish representations in the 1970s, when contextualised in a rich history of Irish racism, isnt particularly surprising. Punch magazine, published in the 1840s, became widely famous for its derogatory representation of the Irish as silly, warmongering, and ignorant, and signalled another re-emergence of this historical Irish stereotype, this time, and thanks to the scientific identification of racial stereotypes, the Irishman became more linked to representations of the Negro in mass art than to the civilised, aristocratic Brit. Thus, in Harpers weekly in 1898, the Negro, with protruding jaw, upturned nose and large eyes, according to this very subjective illustration, actually equates the perception of the Irishman with the perception of the Negro. By contrast, the profile of an â€Å"Anglo-Teutonic† appears in the centre, and, with long nose, strong jawline and fairer hair, appears less simian in appearance. This representation of the Irishman as a Negro, who is frequently seen as being untrustworthy, rapacious and animalistic in persuasion, is resurrected by a number of cartoonists in the 1970s as an ideal way of explaining, or at least glossing over the complex nature of the Irish situation. In â€Å"What was so marvellous† by Cummings, he represents the current political situation in Ireland as a n exercise in British colonialism. Edward Heath and, then Home Secretary Reginald Maudling sit at a desk with a soldier on top of a map of Ireland. In the background, a soldier is seen walking through India, Cyprus, Kenya and Malaya. The caption underneath reads: â€Å"What was so marvellous about the rest of the British Commonwealth was that we could always leave it.† The superiority with which Cummings regards Britain in relation to Ireland is striking, insofar as it essentially depicts Ireland as a dispossessed, colonized country, and glosses over the significant problems that the presence of British troops in Ireland actually caused. Of course, this view has some historical significance. The governing elite in Ireland following the invasion in 1690 laid the foundations for a Protestant Ireland for nearly two centuries, and those in charge of Irish affairs were essentially protestants descended from English colonialists, using parliament to enact stifling and repressive legislation against the catholics, which culminated in removing the right for catholics to own land. This of course led up to the potato famine, which killed millions. Thus, the colonialist implications of Cummings cartoon flippantly portrays a reality in a fairly hurtful and bitter way. In Apes and Angels, an overview of how the caricature developed in British cartooning, Curtis Jr. suggests that: â€Å"During the first two-thirds of the nineteenth century the stereotypical Paddy or Teague of English cartoon and caricature underwent a significant change. In sharp contrast to the regular, even handsome features of the wild Irishman or woodkern of the Elizabethan and early Stuart period, such as may be found in abundance in John Derrickes The Image of Irelande, with a discoverie of Woodkarne, first published in 1581, and different too, from the brutish, slovenly faces of Irish peasants appearing in prints dating from the reign of George III, the dominant Victorian stereotype of Paddy looked far more like an ape than a man.† This reduction of the Irishman to animal is one that begins to return sporadically when the political situation gets grave once again in the 1970s. In these cartoons, often the complexity of the political situation is whitewashed, or else no attempt whatsoever is made to describe the Irish problem in terms of satire or a representation of different sectors of Irish society: conveniently, the Irish are placed into one single melting-pot, with no distinction or difference made between Catholicism, Protestantism, or of any of the different groups or classes that were at play in the turmoil that led up to bloody Sunday. Curtis Jr. suggests that the sudden stereotyping of the Irish may have been as a result of politics of a different type – namely, immigration: â€Å"There was nothing specifically Irish about a projecting lower jaw until the 1840s, when thousands of Irish immigrants were pouring into England and Scotland, most of them destitute and many of them diseased.† So, much like modern views and prejudices surrounding asylum seekers, as well as Jews in the 1930s, the right-wing presses also found their target in Victorian times, namely, the Irish. This introduction of class into the issue adds another level of complexity to the issue. Often, the fighting Irishmen are seen crammed together into terrace houses, itself a sign of working-class life and a form of living regarded by the more middle-class newspapers as being inherently intolerable, just as their barbarity was regarded as stupid, brash and ignorant in Victorian issues of Punch. Thus, Curtis Jr., says that â€Å"The antecedents of this stereotype were just as widespread as the conviction in England and Scotland that the Irish were inherently inferior and quite unfit t o manage their own affairs.† Indeed, the superimposition of ideas onto the Irish is in itself exacerbated by the caricaturing of the entirity of the Irish race, essentially robbing them of the individuality of their own voices and subsequently their own autonomy. Punch magazine spearheaded a movement to caricature and derogate the Irish in cartoons: â€Å"it soon became clear that Irishmen, in particular the more politicized among then, were the favourite target of both writers and cartoonists. Marion H. Spielmann, the chronicler of Punch, wrote that the comic weekly acquired a reputation for being anti-Irish during and after the 1850s.† An example of this anti-Irish sentiment can be found in John Leechs â€Å"Young Ireland in Business for Himself† (August 22, 1846), in which a grotesque monster sells blunderbusss next to the sign â€Å"pretty little pistols for pretty little children.† Thus, we are given the preconception that the Irish are violent, stupid and ugly. In John Tenniels â€Å"The Irish Frankenstein†, a sophisticated, British man tries to stave off a giant beast holding a bloodied knife. Thus, the bestial, simian qualities of the caricature emerge. This is especially pointed when the Irishman begins to demand autonomy: â€Å"When Irishman turned to political agitation and began to demand an end to British rule, then Punch changed his tune, and, according to Spielmann, the artists began to picture the Irish political outrage-mongering peasant as a cross between a garrotter and a gorilla.† Thus, perhaps the simionisation of the Irish stereotype is more as a result of the politicisation of the Irish working-class, which presumably the British cartoonist, especially one working for Punch, a deeply conservative publication, would feel threatened by. Thus, we have to also consider notions of class, as well as racial stereotyping: â€Å"The only Celt to be flattered and admired by Punchs cartoonists was Hibernia, the intensely feminine symbol of Ireland, whose haunting beauty conveyed some of the sufferings of the Irish people. In The Fenian-Pest, published in Punch on March 3, 1866, Hibernia turns to her sister, Brittania as a grotesque, derogatory rendition of an Irishman peers at her with animalistic desire. Wallach suggests that: â€Å"Tenniel, depicts the rebellious Irishmen, those troublesome people, as ape-like and unkempt. The main Irish character glares menacingly at Britannia, with his mouth agape and a sword-like weapon partially concealed under his coat. Behind him are other Fenians, chaotically amassed and presumably anxious to make trouble. Here the stereotype of Irishmen as violent, simian and disorganized reveals itself.† Indeed it is interesting the Hibernia, the only character that is celebrated in Punch, or at least not attacked on grounds of racial profiling, is one that is divorced from the traditionally masculine realm of political persuasion. In this particular cartoon, she is seen in the pose of desperately running from the Irish monster, and this traditional of derogation of the Irishman, especially the politicised Irishman, continues throughout history, making a controversial reappearance during the political conflicts of the 1970s. Cummings, who drew cartoons in the 1970s for the Daily Express, uses similar prejudices to generate humour in a situation regarded by the British as increasingly confused. In â€Å"Were pagan missionaries†, Cummings depicts a group of pagans, coming over the sea and saving the Irish from their imminent self-destruction. The caption at the bottom reads: â€Å"Were Pagan missionaries come to try and make peace among the bloodthirsty Christians.† The Irishmen are shown crammed together, on the opposite sides of a terrace block, and details include a lop-sided dustbin, and a sign in the middle of the street, reading: â€Å"Cage: To keep the wild animals apart.† Again we return to the generally held perception of Irishmen as a race of sub-human animals: â€Å"The Cummings cartoon reflects this British incomprehension in its depiction of primitive tribesmen arriving to reconcile the barbarous Irish, who seem intent on tearing each other apart. The racist implication is that black, presumably African, tribesmen are more civilised than the Christian Northern Irish, who have now slipped below even primitive pagans in their innate barbarity.† Thus, Cummings seems to extract his political humour mainly from the use of stereotype and conceptions of otherness. The British army is seen ironically as a pagan tribe, which obviously alludes to the primitive tribes that the Britishers colonised in the past. Therefore, the Irish are depicted as being even more primitive than this. Cummings cartoon ideas are steeped in the long tradition of pompous anti-Irish cartoons and jokes. â€Å"The cartoon [] reinforces stereotypical notions of the Irish as violent and blacks as primitive, and makes no attempt to convey any understanding of the underlying causes of conflict other than religious bigotry.† This is a reflection of a commonly held view about the political situation in Ireland. It seemed baffling to some of the British that two essentially Christian religions should be fighting, and the cartoons by Cummings highlights this innate superiority that the British has by portraying itself as heroes in trying to resolve the Irish conflict. Similarly, Cummings sides again with the British army in â€Å"How Marvellous it would be†, printed in the Daily Express, on 12 August 1970. Cummings naively treats the British influence in Ireland as completely benign. A beaten up solider stands between two monsters, one of which is wearing a t-shirt called â€Å"Ulster Catholics†, the other called â€Å"Ulster Protestants†. They run for each other, as the soldier, more diminutive in presence and, in case we didnt know his nationality, sports a Union Jack on his forehead. Over his head towers a plethora of miscellany – socks, broken bottles and rocks again, the two warring factions are apelike, bestial and violent in nature. The caption underneath reads â€Å"How marvellous it would be if they DID knock each other insensible!†. Thus, the patronising and condescending nature of the cartoon asserts itself more. â€Å"The implication underlying both cartoons is that the irrational nature of the Irish question can only be explained through some form of racial madness.† Indeed, the racial implications, coupled with the inability, or reluctance to try and articulate and represent the complexities of the Irish situation in an easily digestible format, assists in depriving Ireland of a voice – of seeing Ireland and the Irish as a colonised island, once more exacerbating catholic (and protestant – the shifting of parliament to Westminster had the effect of causing offence to both Unionists and building support in working class catholic areas for the I.R.A.) tensions; furthermore adding support to the notion that Britain was indeed an occupying force in Ireland, and that the only means from which the British could be removed from Ireland was through paramilitary force. Cummings later said that the IRAs violence â€Å"make them look like apes – though thats rather hard luck on the apes.† Of course, Cummings views on the IRA, their uses of violence and barbarism would never be particularly popular, but Cummings doesnt even try to consider their opinions, and lowers himself instead to racial stereotyping and bigotry. The cartoon by Cummings is rendered especially naà ¯ve by the events of Bloody Sunday. Of course, this stereotype has been resurrected many times since the 18th century, but, during Victorian times something in particular happened to the representation of the Irishman. According to Douglas, R., et al.: â€Å"The equation between militant Irish nationalism and a savage bestial nature achieved its apogee [] in the Punch cartoons of the Victorian era.† And this bestial nature was resurrected whenever war or conflict required an easily categorised and common enemy. Certainly the most politically controversial cartoon drawn during the Anglo-Irish conflict was â€Å"The Irish† by JAK, for the Evening Standard on 29 October 1982. In it, a bystander is seen looking at an enormous billboard poster. It says: â€Å"Emerald Isle snuff movies present the ultimate in psychopathic horror†, then in enormous letters underneath, â€Å"The Irish†. The image seems designed to both shock and to reinforce the traditional stereotype of the Irish as bestial and bloodthirsty. A horde of Irish stereotypes, bloated and bestial, wielding daggers, drills, dynamite, saws and other crude forms of weaponry all fight in a orgiastic frenzy over a hill of graves. The caption underneath on the poster says: â€Å"Featuring the I.R.A., I.N.L.A., U.D.F., P.F.F., U.D.A., etc. etc.†. Thus, every political group of every political persuasion is placed under the same violent and caricatured image of Irish barbarity. It is apparent that the cartoon would be controversial. â€Å"The Irish, featuring a cast of degenerate nationalist and loyalist paramilitaries, whose initials appear at the bottom of the poster. Not only is there no attempt to explain Irish political complexities or distinguish between different paramilitary groups, the cartoonist irresponsibly homogenises the Irish as a race of psychopathic monsters who delight in violence and bloodshed.† The political reaction to this cartoon had far-reaching implications, and the Evening Standard had advertising money cut from London Council, then headed by Ken Livingstone, if a full apology wasnt issued, which wasnt. It is apparent that the power of the cartoon to shock and to provoke resonates profoundly through political circles, certainly as regards the more overtly racist images of Irish paramilitary groups, that depict an Irish nation that is both stupid, confused, poor and drawn genetically to acts of barbarity and violence. â€Å"One notable feature of some British cartoons about the troubles is their tendency to resurrect the simian stereotype to present a view of republican and loyalist paramilitaries as sub-human psychopaths, a feature which merely served to perpetuate British ignorance and misunderstanding of the complex nature of the conflict.† Indeed, ignorance of the complexities of the political situation in Ireland, indeed, an absolute denial of the British influence and the disruption in Ireland, led to strengthening the anti-Irish fervour, and many cartoonists that used this idea for a cheap joke, may have done unnecessary harm to the establishment of peace among Loyalists, and the Irish in general already racked with anti-British tension. Although the cartoon cannot be justified entirely, it can certainly be contextualised by the political situation at the time the cartoon appeared: â€Å"[The Irish] appeared at a time when paramilitary violence showed no sign of abating and when Anglo-Irish relations were still strained as a result of the southern governments neutral attitude towards Britain during the Falklands war. In July, two IRA bombs in London had killed eight people and injured over fifty others.† Indeed, it is interesting that, when political and social situations are most strained, the simian stereotype re-emerges in cartoons. Overall, the simianisation of the Irish in cartoons has had a long historical legacy that dates back as far as the history of the political cartoon itself. In a situation of conflict, especially considering the supposed lack of knowledge surrounding the Irish situation in the 1970s, many of the cartoons represent this tendency towards returning to the historical stereotype of the Irish as bestial, monstrous sub-human, whose thirst for blood remains intrinsically linked to the racial characteristics of the people. The representation of the British presence in Ireland, especially with the work of Cummings, and JAK, is seen in turns as a fruitless endeavour designed to bring peace to a nation that stubbornly clings to the historical notion of religious difference, or else are innately drawn to barbarity. Although these were not the only cartoons represented at the time, and there were some more sympathetic representations of the Irish situation, that tried to explain in pictures and simple captions the complexity of a political situation in Ireland, this return to the overtly, explicitly racist was definitely a theme in the 1970s cartoons, and served either to reflect the general confusion prevalent at the time concerning the troubles in Ireland, or else exacerbated this confounded hostility towards the Irish in general that certain sections of the British population must have felt. Political Representations of the 1970s Crisis in Ireland The Irish representations of the conflict differ insofar as they offer the viewer of the cartoon a more balanced, albeit anti-British view of the political conflict during the crisis. Gerald Scarfe provides a more sensitive body of work than what was usual in the British press during the time of the political troubles in Ireland. In â€Å"Untitled†, printed in the Sunday Times on 14 March 1971, blood runs into a lake from three graves on a hill, there to represent the deaths of three soldiers, two of which were lured into a pub and killed by the provisional I.R.A., the militant arm of the I.R.A. A crack in the dam pours blood onto a peaceful community, and provides another perspective on the Irish troubles in the 1970s that go beyond that of stereotype, confusion and resentment, instead providing a sympathetic and tender view of the events. Indeed, the representation of the political struggles at the time, in cartoons could be both chillingly regressive, and inspired – of course, the Irish conflict polarised opinion, insofar as the lines could be drawn down difference between the British and the Irish, or else Protestant and Catholic fronts. This tendency to promote one particular view of the events highlights the struggle that cartoonists must have found when trying to find humour beyond the resentment and the anger at both the violence, which some people, especially in Britain, saw as unnecessary, and a particularly

A Comparison of Beowulf and Icelandic Sagas Essays -- comparison compa

Beowulf and Icelandic Sagas  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚        Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   There are many similarities between the hero of the poem Beowulf and the heroes of the two Icelandic sagas, The Saga of The Volsungs and The Saga of King Hrolf Kraki. The former saga is an Icelandic saga representing oral traditions dating back to the fourth and fifth centuries, when Attila the Hun was fighting on the northern fringes of the Roman Empire; the latter is an Icelandic saga representing 1000 years of oral traditions prior to the 1300’s when it was written.    An unknown author wrote The Saga of The Volsungs in the thirteenth century, basing his story on far older Norse poetry. Iceland was settled by the Vikings about 870-930, who took to that land the famous lay of Sigurd and the Volsungs. Native Icelandic poets loved the story of Sigurd and the Huns, Goths, Burgundians, with whom this hero interacted. This prose story is based on traditional Norse verse called Eddic poetry, a form of mythic or heroic lay which developed before 1000 in the oral folk culture of Old Scandinavia. The Icelandic skald is the equivalent of the Anglo-Saxon scop. He was a storyteller. Icelandic material builds on a long oral tradition just like Anglo-saxon. Skalds stayed in the royal courts of Scandinavia like their counterparts to the south.    In The Saga of the Volsungs the hero Sigurd is the one who corresponds best with the hero Beowulf in the Anglo-Saxon tradition. George Clark in â€Å"The Hero and the Theme† mentions: â€Å"The form of Beowulf taken as a whole suggests both the ‘Bear’s Son’ folktale type (especially as we find it in Scandinavia) and the ‘combat myth’. . . .† (286). The â€Å"combat myth† is probably what this saga is. When Sigurd was born, he was the grandson of Ki... ...celandic sagas, The Song of the Volsungs and The Saga of King Hrolf Kraki, contain remarkable similarities between their main characters and Beowulf’s main character; they   are just too astounding to dismiss as mere coincidences.    BIBLIOGRAPHY    Chickering, Howell D.. Beowulf A dual-Language Edition. New York: Anchor Books, 1977.    Clark, Gorge. â€Å"The Hero and the Theme.† In A Beowulf Handbook, edited by Robert Bjork and John D. Niles. Lincoln, Nebraska: Uiversity of Nebraska Press, 1997.    The Saga of King Hrolf Kraki, translated by Jesse L. Byock. New York: Penguin Books, 1998.    The Saga of the Volsungs, translated by Jesse L. Byock. New York: Penguin Books, 1990.    Ward & Trent, et al. The Cambridge History of English and American Literature. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1907–21; New York: Bartleby.com, 2000.   

June Yip proposes post colonialism to evaluate Taiwanese films Essay

June Yip analyzes Taiwan in the book Envisioning Taiwan as a new breed of country in the postcolonial era which has least interest in the idea of nation-state, maintaining it’s very local faces as well as open to international influences with much surprise. Yip takes a look at Taiwan’s post-national territory status through its fiction and cinema movement concentrating her attention to filmmaker Hou Hsiao-hsien. (Winterton) Taiwan has a long history of colonialism and suppression, but the multinational capitalism, mass migration, the arrival of new electronic media; all these encouraged a postmodern culture and have questioned the traditional limit as well as made the notion of nation irrelevant. June Yip emphasizes the hybrid nature of identity as fallout of postmodernism, is vastly reflected in the present form of Taiwanese films. The earlier versions were more conventional and guarded the theme of nationhood. She points in her book Hou’s films present a picture â€Å"the island as an increasingly complex and hybrid social space, an ever-changing formation†. (Yip, 230) Yip focuses that Taiwanese New Cinema, emerged in the 1980’s and its patrons are fascinated with displaying the socio-historical qualities of modern Taiwan’s experience and also to form a sense of Taiwanese cultural identity with centralizing on the search for nationhood in their works. They represent the tough transition period of Taiwan’s history through which the island came to the global order and try to depict the same in their films with â€Å"a quest for an understanding of a modern Taiwanese experience† and rising questions from present and future. (Yip, 10) Yip also presents the grim picture of Taiwan’s history where under various regimes; either Japanese or Chinese, the linguistic medium of films was strictly regulated by the ruling authorities. Most of these languages were foreign to the locals while the local medium was eclipsed. So, in modern Taiwanese cinema, a global touch could be felt where characters easily switch from Taiwanese to Mandarin to Japanese to English, showcasing a multicultural effect. (Yip, 6) Yip clarifies that Taiwan’s cultural awareness took time to surface itself on cinema due to its colonial Hanover. As there is a strong link between cinema and the idea of nationhood but in the later half of the 20th century the cinema carried a huge responsibility of nation building as being a visual medium. Government was always involved in making of Taiwanese films but in 1990’s it felt the need to loose the belts as to get back commercial as well as critical acclaim. Most of the film personalities have grown the age of rigidity, so when they started working they tries their best to free themselves from the knuckles and criticized the government under its banner itself as well as displayed the new experiences with global changes. The films Three Times and Puppetmaster have shown the changes of post colonialism. Three Times is a film consisting of three episodes based in three periods of Taiwanese history showcasing the problems of the turbulent times in the history, urge for freedom and also the confusion prevailing in a contemporary city. The Puppet master recollects the life of a puppeteer spanning during the period of Japanese occupation of the island and portraying the sorry state of the Taiwanese people and their hardships and also depicts the loss of tradition under suppression and western influence. Both the films in their respective themes lament sufferings of the history and urge to come out of the rigid circumstances supporting Yip’s thesis. (Schumann) While The Wedding Banquet is a drama with humorous touch where personal relationships, based on generation and cultural conflicts within individuals of slender theme rather matching the concept of analysis of Yip of Taiwanese cinema.

Deception in Psychological research Essay

Deception in psychological research usually entails tricking people so that the researchers can get the answers they need or ascertain why things happen the way they do. There are many controversial topics in psychology and all of them seek to explain the things in our environment and people’s behavior. One of these controversial topics is hypnosis usage under cognitive psychology. Hypnosis is a good way of assisting in repressed memories. It has assisted many people in therapeutic procedures but its effectiveness is sometimes questionable by others. Hypnosis as a way of facilitating repressed memories Hypnosis is a form of Recovered Memory Therapy that helps a person with memory relapse to recall information that they cannot remember. A person does not necessarily mean that someone is asleep. Therefore it is a state between being awake and asleep. Trances serve as an example of hypnotic functions. Though they serve similar purposes, trances need to be differentiated from hypnosis because they are done deliberately as used in clinical procedures to help people with memory loss or lapses to regain them. The sympathetic nervous system controls arousals while the parasympathetic nervous system relaxation. These two systems do not function at the same time. When people are in the hypnotic state, they give up their consciousness and accept the inner truth (Richard, 1998). A person can undergo a deep trance where a person or the hypnotist facilitates the process or a lighter trance referred to as self hypnosis which individuals can create by themselves. This is where a person creates their own visual memory via meditation, listening to soft music or some other ways while maintaining a certain level of consciousness. Negative hypnosis occurs when people are easily influenced by what others say and the things they are exposed to. If people are told that they are not able to do certain things and they believe in such comments, then there is a likely hood that they will not accomplish they thing they have been discouraged. This is what constitutes the negative hypnotic state. Therefore, hypnosis is about expectations. If a person has positive expectations, then they can achieve any thing that they set for themselves but if they are negative, they are more likely to fail at whatever they decide on. Health care practitioners can therefore enhance the well being of their patients by assisting them in increasing their positive expectations. Hypnosis is important in helping sick with psychogenic amnesia or people who have lost their blocked certain memories as a result of traumatic experiences. It has been seen to work well for such patients. Research has shown some cases like child sexual as well as physical abuse can be forgotten. Likewise, evidence of recovery of the memories has also been shown (APA, 2001). At first, when the memory is being got, it presents itself in bits and pieces therefore more sessions with the person have to be conducted so as to help in recovering the memory. Traumatic memories often present themselves in a different manner than ordinary experiences. This is because this form of extreme information can interfere with other brain functions. Studies have suggested that traumatic memories that have been recalled are just as accurate as the traumatic memories that have been forgotten. Case study To examine whether hypnosis is an effective way of facilitating repressed memories, a study was conducted by Widom and Morris in 1998. The study included 23 adults; 12 females and 11 males who had been exposed to childhood abuse experiences and had repressed memory lapse in over 15 years. This group underwent hypnotic therapy for a period of three months (Widom & Morris, 1998). From the study, it was seen that the there is a difference in the way of recalling events between the women and the men. The women were willing to share the little pieces of information that they could recall but the men were not. This influenced the hypnotic procedures because little memory was collected on most of the males as compared to the women. As the sessions progressed, there were slight improvements in memory and this can be attributed to the intense impact of the traumatic experiences on the victims as was seem from those who managed to get some of their memory back. At the end of the study period, 53% of the women and 42% of the men had recovered their memory and were satisfied that it as true. A quarter of those studied who managed to get their memory back had rejected their results saying that they may be false while the remaining never really got their memory back but said that so far they were pleased with their lives and would not engage in any other tests. From the study, we can say that hypnosis does work and can help people regain the memory they have lost. As the process was underway, most of the patients had a positive change in their personality as they said that they were more engaged in community activities as they were encouraged by the test takers. At the end of the study period, approximately half of the patients had got their memory back and this shows that if the procedures are done well and for a longer period, then people with previous traumatic incidents that need recovery can gain their memory back. About 25% of the individuals said that they usually kept to them selves and this can be a contributing factor as they do not trust the therapists to help them recover the memory. Various studies have also shown that events in a person’s life influence their behavior as well as interpersonal relations with others. From the above case, the unwillingness of some clients to share basic information limited the process. Some of those who refused said that as much as they wanted to get their memories back, said that it would probably affect them in a negative way. If they did, the numbers would have definitely increased. â€Å"There is conflict between the in formation a person wants to know and what they would like to forget all together. Some people may remember too much too little and this may be good or bad depending on the context they are presented (Herman, 1995). † Nowadays, some people feel that there are not enough scientific research studies to back up the credibility of the various research memories. Others continue to say that one cannot completely tell whether the results got are true or of they are based on what the hypnotist has been telling them. Even when the patient who agrees that the memory that they got was false, their condition can be worse when they suffer Post traumatic Stress Disorder. Some fear the use of hypnotic procedures on children because it would affect them psychologically and this is not helping in improving their situation. †This kind of therapy confuses the mind as a person cannot tell the difference between what is real and imaginative and this has further contributed to the destruction of families (Rivera, 1993). † In addition, they can deny certain memories because of guilt, the need to protect their families or may be reacting according to the stress levels they have been exposed to. The False Memory syndrome Association says that they have a lot of cases that are taken to court have shown that that some therapists are liars as they implant false memories on their patients (Thierry & Spence, 2004). With the increase in such cases, some judges refuse getting evidence that has been recovered through hypnotic procedures. â€Å"Such methods of treatment have therefore also not been fully accepted in science as well as psychology (Schacter, 1996). † In 1997, according to the U. S bureau of Justice statistics report on a survey of female inmates in jail, it was found that 36% of them had been abused when they were young and one third of them has been raped they were imprisoned. And further 16 case studies on child abused individuals for comparison was undertaken and it showed that about 15% of them were abused as children. This shows that as much as the experiences can be traumatic, not all of them are forgotten and if, they have been suppressed by the individual but they can be retrieved if proper therapy is used. Individuals can recollect a few things and these bits are necessary in the formation of the bigger picture. The few loopholes in research should not be a foundation for dismissing hypnosis in retrieving repressed memories. People have had serious accidents and this form of therapy has helped some who medication did not help in regaining their memories back. Hypnosis therapy is a powerful mechanism as it enables people to regain memories that they thought they could never regain as well as achieve certain goals they have set for themselves. â€Å"This power and acceptance of hypnosis as a form of therapy is due to the fact that it deals with capabilities which appear to be beyond normal activities (Hopper& van der Kolk, 2001). † Moreover, it gives people power to discover their inner being and stop actions such as smoking, drinking and other forms if addictions. Hypnosis also serves as a motivation for people’s engagement in physical activities and aids in reducing stress. This kind of therapy is helping in treating illnesses and certain disorders (De Vos & Louw, 2008). Hypnosis is also used as a form of therapy in children as a form of helping in changing their behavior and assisting in improving their health. In addition, hypnosis enhances personality enrichment by improving people’s self esteems, self confidence such that they get the courage to speak out in public when initially they could not. â€Å"Weight loss motivation, healthy eating and exercise, better sleep for people with seeing disorders, controlling anger, and controlling peoples fears among other things (Thierry & Spence, 2004). † Reliability and Validity of Research The study was reliable because the results indicated the specific responses of the individuals and since the study sample was small, it was easier to monitor individual progress. This would not have been the case if it were a larger number. Those individuals who were found out to have been sexually abused when they were young said that that was a possibility and most knew the individuals further proving that the results were reliable and valid. In addition, the individuals all showed up for the sessions as required therefore the lack of memory recovery could not be attributed to not attending the sessions. On top of these, no form of biasness was seen as the procedures were made as standard as possible and all variables that needed to be controlled were checked. Conclusion Hypnosis therapy usage is acceptable in society has it has helped a lot of people in more than one way especially in facilitating repressed memories. After all, the main goal of the procedure is to assist in the well being of a person. These form of therapy needs to be supported in increasing its evidentiary weight such that these memories can be used as evidence in the courts of law. Clinicians as well as psychotherapists therefore need to be skilled in this area for them to be able to properly guide the procedure so that the clients can get true memories which are part o their whole being and without them they are not complete. References American Psychological Association (APA) 2001. Understanding Child Sexual Abuse Rivera, Joseph. â€Å"‘Trauma searches’ plant the seed of imagined misery,† The Sacramento Bee, May 18, 1993. Herman, J. L. (1995). Crime and memory. Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, 23, 5-17. H. M. De Vos and D. A. Louw (2008). Hypnosis-induced mental training programmes as a strategy to improve the self-concept of students Vol. 57, No. 2, Higher education journal 2008 Hopper, J. W. , & van der Kolk, B. A. (2001). Retrieving, Assessing, and Classifying Traumatic Memories. Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment, & Trauma, 4, 33-71; and Freyd, J. F. , & DePrince, A. P. (Editors). Trauma and Cognitive Science (pp. 33-71). Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press. Richard, S. C. July 1, (1998). The magic of hypnosis: is it child’s play? The Journal of Psychology Schacter, Daniel L. (1996). Searching for Memory – the brain, the mind, and the past. New York, Basic Books. Thierry, KL, Spence MJ (2004). Contemporary hypnosis Widom, C. S. & Morris, S. (1998). Adult recollections of childhood victimization: Childhood sexual abuse. Psychological Assessment, 8, 412-421.

buy custom Evidence-Based Practice on Diabetes and Orthopedics

buy custom Evidence-Based Practice on Diabetes and Orthopedics Diabetes and Orthopedics Abstract Orthopedics refers to the medical field focusing on diseases/ailments and injuries affecting a human musculoskeletal system. As such, this system is composed of skeletal joints, bones, tendons, ligaments, nerves, and muscles critical for daily bodily functions. Initial procedural measures were primarily focused on children, who, unfortunately, were victims of limb or spine deformities. However, with time, the field encompassed the general care of patients of all age groups, from newborns to the old. Newborns could suffer from clubfeet requiring surgery (arthroscopic) as a result of injury, while the elderly could be suffering from arthritis. The above move was based on the fact that often, people break or fracture a bone during daily routines, especially as a result of physical activities. Patients with diabetes pose problems to orthopedic treatment due to complications arising from problems emanating from muscular and other joints problems experienced by diabetes patients.

3 Problems of Nonparallel Interjections

3 Problems of Nonparallel Interjections 3 Problems of Nonparallel Interjections 3 Problems of Nonparallel Interjections By Mark Nichol In a post published recently, I discussed simple problems of parallelism in sentence construction. Here are three examples of more complex errors involving corresponding sentence elements. 1. â€Å"Low-interest rates have been one of the primary, if not the primary factor in extending the real estate boom in the United States.† The corresponding phrases in this sentence are neither parallel nor complete. First, the additional consideration (â€Å"if not the primary factor†) must be structured as an interjection, meaning that it has to be bracketed parenthetically by commas, em dashes, or parentheses. (Which method you choose depends on the emphasis you want to give the interjection: Parentheses minimize the interruption, commas are the default punctuation for separating an interrupting phrase from the main sentence, and em dashes call attention to the inserted phrase.) In this case, â€Å"if not the primary factor† must be set off from the rest of the sentence with punctuation before and after; any of the three punctuation forms is appropriate. However, there’s more work to be done. The key to correctly constructing a sentence with an interjection is that if the interjection is omitted, the sentence is still complete. But read this version of the sentence with the interjection omitted: â€Å"Low-interest rates have been one of the primary in extending the real estate boom in the United States.† Obviously, factors must be inserted after the first use of primary in additional to the inclusion of the singular form of the word in the interjection: â€Å"Low-interest rates have been one of the primary factors, if not the primary factor, in extending the real estate boom in the United States.† 2. â€Å"Talk of a name change has struck some political observers as not only a merely cosmetic, but also as a pointless gesture.† As with the previous example, this sentence lacks a correctly framed interjection â€Å"but also as a pointless† must be set off from the rest of the sentence: â€Å"Talk of a name change has struck some political observers as . . . a merely cosmetic gesture.† (The ellipsis marks the omission of â€Å"not only,† which as part of the â€Å"not only . . . but also† comparative device is technically a part of the interjection.) The corrected sentence should read, â€Å"Talk of a name change has struck some political observers as not only a merely cosmetic, but also a pointless, gesture.† (Note the omission of the second instance of as.) Better yet, convert the interjection to a sentence-ending tag: â€Å"Talk of a name change has struck some political observers as not only a merely cosmetic gesture but also a pointless one.† 3. â€Å"He could have, but he didn’t, press for a clear, bilateral agreement on immigration.† Use the interjection-omission test described above to analyze this sentence’s problem: Without the (correctly punctuated) interjection, the sentence erroneously reads â€Å"He could have press for a clear, bilateral agreement on immigration.† A hypercorrection featuring logical correspondence at the expense of readability is â€Å"He could have pressed, but he didn’t press, for a clear, bilateral agreement on immigration.† As with the previous example, the sentence is best repaired by moving the interjection to the end of the sentence: â€Å"He could have pressed for a clear, bilateral agreement on immigration, but he didn’t.† Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Grammar category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:Math or Maths?â€Å"As Well As† Does Not Mean â€Å"And†While vs. Whilst

Thomas Edisons Invention Factory in Menlo Park

Thomas Edison's Invention Factory in Menlo Park Thomas Edison was behind the formation of the first industrial research laboratory, Menlo Park, a place where a team of inventors would work together to create new inventions. His role in forming this invention factory gave him the nickname the Wizard of Menlo Park. Menlo Park, New Jersey Edison opened a research laboratory in Menlo Park, NJ, in 1876. This site later become known as an invention factory, since Edison and his employees worked on several different inventions at any given time there. It was there that Thomas Edison invented the phonograph, his first commercially successful invention. The New Jersey Menlo Park laboratory was closed in 1882, when Edison moved into his new larger laboratory in West Orange, New Jersey. The Wizard of Menlo Park Thomas Edison was nicknamed The Wizard of Menlo Park by a newspaper reporter after his invention of the phonograph while at Menlo Park. Other important achievements and inventions that Edison created at Menlo Park included: A carbon button transmitter (aka microphone) and the induction coil that greatly improved the telephoneAn improved bulb filament and successful incandescent light bulbThe first underground electrical systemA prototype electric railway was constructed at Menlo ParkThe founding of the Edison Electric Light CompanyChristie Street in Menlo Park became the worlds first street to be lit by incandescent light bulbs.In fact, Menlo Park became a tourist attraction because of the novelty of lighting.Edison applied for over 400 patents for inventions made at Menlo Park. The Land of Menlo Park Menlo Park was part of rural Raritan Township in New Jersey. Edison bought 34 acres of land there in late 1875. The office of a former real estate company, at the corner of Lincoln Highway and Christie Street, became Edisons home. Edisons father built the main laboratory building on the block south of Christie Street between Middlesex and Woodbridge Avenues. Also built was the glass house, a carpenters shop, a carbon shed, and a blacksmith shop. By the Spring of 1876, Edison moved his full operations to Menlo Park.